中國決不允許挑戰(zhàn)“一國兩制”原則底線

China Will Never Tolerate Any Challenge to the Bottom Line of “One Country, Two Systems”

劉曉明大使在香港主流大報(bào)《南華早報(bào)》發(fā)表署名文章

H.E. Liu Xiaoming Publishes an article on South China Morning Post

2019年8月15日

15 August 2019

近一個(gè)時(shí)期，由香港“修例”引發(fā)的香港局勢(shì)變化和暴力活動(dòng)引發(fā)廣泛關(guān)注。那么“修例”到底是什么?

今年年初，香港特區(qū)政府提出修訂《逃犯條例》和《刑事事宜相互法律協(xié)助條例》，旨在堵塞香港與包括中國內(nèi)地在內(nèi)的其他國家與地區(qū)缺少引渡安排的這一法律制度漏洞、完善香港法治，使香港不再是“避罪天堂”。但這一合理合法的行動(dòng)卻被香港反對(duì)派和少數(shù)外部勢(shì)力惡意抹黑，曲解為要把港人送到內(nèi)地受審。鑒于“修例”在香港社會(huì)引起較大分歧，特區(qū)政府決定暫緩。

一些西方政客和媒體無端指責(zé)“一國兩制”受到侵蝕。那么，事實(shí)究竟如何?我希望大家認(rèn)真思考三個(gè)問題：考生如果怕自己錯(cuò)過考試報(bào)名時(shí)間和考試時(shí)間的話，可以 免費(fèi)預(yù)約短信提醒，屆時(shí)會(huì)以短信的方式提醒大家報(bào)名和考試時(shí)間。

一是究竟是誰在破壞“一國兩制”?香港回歸22年多來，“一國兩制”、“港人治港”、高度自治方針得到切實(shí)貫徹落實(shí)，成就舉世公認(rèn)。無論是特區(qū)政府啟動(dòng)“修例”，還是特區(qū)政府聽取民眾意見、停止相關(guān)立法工作，都是香港實(shí)行“一國兩制”、“港人治港”、高度自治的具體體現(xiàn)。

一些激進(jìn)示威者蓄意制造暴力事件，沖擊香港立法會(huì)，圍攻中央政府駐港機(jī)構(gòu)，撕毀香港基本法，污損國徽和國旗，堵塞道路，癱瘓交通，用致命武器攻擊警察。他們的行動(dòng)已完全超出了和平游行示威的范疇，嚴(yán)重破壞香港法治和社會(huì)秩序，嚴(yán)重威脅香港市民生命財(cái)產(chǎn)安全，嚴(yán)重觸碰“一國兩制”的原則底線。

這些行為背后，有外部勢(shì)力借機(jī)散播各種危言聳聽的謠言，制造社會(huì)恐慌。一些西方政客和媒體罔顧事實(shí)，為激進(jìn)示威者叫好，甚至鼓吹給予暴力違法者同情、理解甚至包容，對(duì)恪盡職守、維護(hù)香港法治的香港警方倒打一耙。近日港媒披露，某個(gè)西方大國駐港總領(lǐng)館官員公然接觸“港獨(dú)”組織頭目，為他們撐腰打氣。這些勢(shì)力的險(xiǎn)惡用心就是把香港搞亂，把香港變成中國的一個(gè)麻煩，進(jìn)而牽制或者遏制中國的發(fā)展。到底是誰在禍害香港?是誰在破壞“一國兩制”?香港亂了究竟符合誰的利益?答案昭然若揭。

二是如何準(zhǔn)確理解“一國兩制”?實(shí)踐充分證明，“一國兩制”是香港問題的最佳解決方案，是香港回歸后保持長(zhǎng)期繁榮穩(wěn)定的最佳制度安排。“一國兩制”是一個(gè)完整概念，然而西方某些人過分強(qiáng)調(diào)“兩制”，而忘記了“一國”是“兩制”的根本和前提，沒有“一國”，就沒有“兩制”。

我們貫徹落實(shí)“一國兩制”，始終堅(jiān)持“三條底線”不容觸碰，即絕對(duì)不能允許任何危害國家主權(quán)安全、絕對(duì)不能允許挑戰(zhàn)中央權(quán)力和《基本法》權(quán)威、絕對(duì)不能允許利用香港對(duì)內(nèi)地進(jìn)行滲透破壞的活動(dòng)。中國中央政府將堅(jiān)持“一國兩制”方針不會(huì)變、不動(dòng)搖，確保實(shí)踐“一國兩制”不走樣、不變形。那些所謂香港“一國兩制”受到削弱、高度自治受到損害的奇談怪論，要么是沒有全面正確理解“一國兩制”方針，要么就是出于政治目的故意曲解。

三是今天的香港最需要的是什么?香港回歸以來，始終保持國際金融、貿(mào)易、航運(yùn)中心地位，連續(xù)20多年被評(píng)為全球最自由經(jīng)濟(jì)體，法治指數(shù)在全球名列前茅，香港居民享有前所未有的民主權(quán)利和全世界范圍內(nèi)少見的廣泛自由。這根本上歸功于“一國兩制”的成功實(shí)踐，也得益于香港始終堅(jiān)守法治、聚焦發(fā)展。

法治是香港人引以為傲的核心價(jià)值，是香港良好營(yíng)商環(huán)境的基礎(chǔ)，是香港繁榮穩(wěn)定的重要基石。有法必依、違法必究是任何一個(gè)法治社會(huì)的基本要求。暴力就是暴力，違法就是違法，縱容暴力就是鼓勵(lì)違法，就是破壞法治，就是損害香港繁榮穩(wěn)定的基石。相信包括英國在內(nèi)的任何國家政府都不會(huì)對(duì)暴力行徑和非法游行坐視不管。

發(fā)展是香港的立身之本，也是解決香港各種問題的正道。香港發(fā)展雖然有良好基礎(chǔ)，但也經(jīng)不起折騰。香港亂下去，外國投資者都要一同為此“買單”。

今天香港最需要的，就是恢復(fù)社會(huì)秩序，捍衛(wèi)法治精神，依法懲治暴力，堅(jiān)決對(duì)外部干涉“說不”!

目前，有30萬英國公民在香港工作和生活，300多家英國公司在香港投資興業(yè)。香港保持繁榮穩(wěn)定，不僅符合中國的利益，也符合包括英國在內(nèi)的各國共同利益。我衷心希望，英國各界有識(shí)之士多做有利于香港繁榮穩(wěn)定的事，抵制和反對(duì)任何破壞香港法治的言行。

Hong Kong, and the violence in the city, has been a focus of public attention and the “extradition bill” is blamed. What is it about this bill?

Early this year, the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) proposed to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance and the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Ordinance to strengthen the rule of law and plug a legal loophole caused by a lack of extradition arrangements between Hong Kong and many other places, including but not limited to the Chinese mainland. However, this legitimate act aimed at preventing Hong Kong from becoming a “haven for fugitives” was distorted by the opposition and some foreign forces, who claimed this would allow the SAR to send people to the Chinese mainland for trial. Due to a lack of consensus, the SAR government decided to put the work on hold.

Critics say the bill will undermine “one country, two systems”.

My first question is: who is attempting to undermine it? The principles of “one country, two systems”, “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” and “a high degree of autonomy” for Hong Kong have been fully implemented and ensured prosperity and stability in Hong Kong for the 22 years since the handover. This is recognised the world over. The initiation of the extradition law amendment and the decision to halt the legislative process in response to public opinion are both reflections of these three principles.

However, a few radicals have responded with premeditated violence. They stormed the Legislative Council complex, besieged the representative office of the central government, tore up copies of Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, known as the Basic Law, defaced the national emblem and the national flag, blocked roads, paralysed traffic and attacked police officers with improvised weapons. Such actions were not a peaceful demonstration but open defiance of the rule of law and social order. They threaten the safety of life and property and challenge the bottom line of “one country, two systems”.

Behind these acts are traces of foreign instigators who spread rumours and create panic in society. These instigators, including certain Western politicians and media, applaud radical behaviour and call for sympathy and tolerance for the radicals. They blame the unrest on Hong Kong police who were simply performing their duty to safeguard the rule of law. Some Hong Kong media reported that a US consular official based in Hong Kong met several key “advocates of Hong Kong independence”. What could this act mean except to make a mess of Hong Kong and use it to contain China? So, who is ruining Hong Kong and undermining “one country, two systems”?

My second question is: how should we accurately understand “one country, two systems”? The years since the handover have proved that “one country, two systems” is the best solution for Hong Kong, an excellent arrangement for the city’s long-term prosperity and stability. “One country, two systems” must be seen as one inseparable concept. Some people in the West over-emphasise “two systems” and forget that “one country” is the basis and precondition for the viability of “two systems”.

For this formula to work in Hong Kong, there are three bottom lines – namely, no tolerance for any activity that, one, undermines national sovereignty and security; two, challenges the authority of the central government or the Basic Law; and, three, uses Hong Kong for infiltration or sabotage against the Chinese mainland. The central government will stay true to “one country, two systems” and make sure that it is fully applied in Hong Kong without distortion. The allegation that this principle is being undermined reflects either a lack of accurate understanding of this policy, or betrays intentional misinterpretation driven by a political agenda.

Now let me turn to the third question: what does Hong Kong need most now? Since its return to the motherland, Hong Kong has continued to be a centre for international financial services, trade and shipping. It has been the world’s freest economy for more than 20 years, notable for its adherence to the rule of law, and its people enjoy democratic rights and freedoms rarely seen in other parts of the world. Such achievements are accredited to the success of “one country, two systems”, and to the city’s commitment to the rule of law and its focus on economic growth.

The rule of law is a core value that the Hong Kong people take pride in. It is the foundation for Hong Kong’s sound business environment and a cornerstone of its prosperity and stability. Under the rule of law, all laws must be observed and all offenders held to account. Violence and lawlessness cannot be tolerated. Conniving in violence is tantamount to damaging the cornerstone of Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. No government in the world, not even those in the West, would sit back and watch while illegal demonstrations rage on.

Hong Kong’s prosperity and continuous development have given the city a solid foundation. But, sound as it is, the economy of Hong Kong cannot afford continuing chaos, which will take a toll on many aspects of life in this city, including foreign investments.

What Hong Kong needs most now is to restore social order, uphold the rule of law, bring violent offenders to justice and say “no” to foreign interference.

It is in the interests of both China and the international community to have a prosperous and stable Hong Kong, where over 300,000 British citizens live and work, and where 300 British companies are doing business. I sincerely hope that the people from all walks of life in the UK will act in the interest of Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability, and refrain from saying or doing anything that may undermine the rule of law in Hong Kong.

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